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As for IJM’s symbolic quest to provide individual rescue, finding “the one” for whom the group toiled and whom IJM had “saved” would prove nearly impossible.She is a cipher, a repository of innocence and redemptive hope that seemed to call more loudly to the IJM staff than the voices of trafficking victims and sex workers who decried the raids and their experiences of police brutality.(New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof tried a similarly dramatic tack when he went so far as to purchase the freedom of two trafficked girls, with decidedly mixed results.) The narrative that frames such vigorous interventions as the noblest response to the scourge of sex trafficking is an understandable one, but it skirts the economic and social problems that make recovery so difficult for the “rescued.” It also rips their lives out of context, so that an approach that might be suitable, if still controversial, in a country with reliable law enforcement and criminal justice systems is applied in a country where those systems are more likely to be part of the problem than the solution.The Obama administration seems to be aware of these issues, but rolling back the momentum on raid work in order to scrutinize its efficacy is a tough challenge–especially when there is always another young victim to rescue.Although countertrafficking funds found their way to groups that worked more broadly on immigrants’ rights and services, much of the money went to organizations like IJM, whose interventionist attitude was congruent with Bush’s foreign-policy stance, and to groups that believed that prostitution was inherently exploitative and deserving of abolishment.Part of the appeal of the law-and-order solutions proposed by groups like IJM is that they are highly visible and forceful responses to the horrifying abuses faced by trafficking victims and sex workers–injury, extortion, rape, even murder.

IJM then prosecutes the abusers under local law and assists victims with “restoration” by winning them financial compensation or providing “aftercare” services through partner organizations. And more is required of us.” Thousands of Christians have answered Cohn Wu’s call, joining IJM campus chapters, attending Haugen’s talks at the Saddleback and Willow Creek leadership conferences, and swelling the organization’s budget to million in 2008.

“A lock on a brothel, for me, represents this element of violence and force,” says Haugen.

“The lock is on the outside of the door, not inside.” For Haugen, the locks are reminders of his calling: to break the chain of human rights abuses, one person at a time.

President Bush then released anti-trafficking funds to feminist anti-prostitution groups and to faith-based organizations like IJM.

The funding decision outraged HIV-education NGOs and sex workers’ unions, a number of which were cut out of HIV-outreach and countertrafficking funding or refused it in protest.

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